721 



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A\^All AVITII srAi:N^. 



"Let lis get ready tod;iy, move quiclily, strike heavily aud cflectively, and the 
■victory is wou." 



SPEECH 



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HON. GEORGE W. RAY, 



OF ISTK^V YORIv, 



HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, 



IN FAVOR OF 



A VIGOROUS AND EFFECTIVE PROSECUTION OF THE WAR. 



FRIDAY, APRIL 29, 1898. 



"Every patriotic man .and woman, every toiler in tlie shop and factory, anS 
npon tlie farm, -will take pride in helping 'Uncle Sam' diivc i>panish misrule from 
the Western Hemisphere." 



TVASiii:srG'ro:N-. 

1898. 






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E IXl 



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iG.oGO 



SPEECH 

OF 

HON, GEOIIGE- W. RAY 



The House being in Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, and 
having under consideration the bOl (H. K. lOlCO) to provide ways and means 
to meet war expenditures- 
Mr. RAY said: 

Mr. Chairman: I have listened to-day with such patience as I 
coiikl command to peace advocates and greenback advocates and 
beer advocates, and I realize now that every weakling in this 
House has some ground upon which to oppose legislation which 
is presented for the purpose of raising revenue to carry on the 
war with Spain which we all ought to favor. On the Democratic 
side of this House three weeks ago every man was yelling at 
the toj) of his voice for the recognition of the Cuban Republic, 
and he wanted war "right off" — immediate war. Now that we 
have war, many want peace and deplore war; some say there is 
not going to be any war of consequence, or if there shall be war, 
they do not want any war tax levied, because it is unnecessary. 

The gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. BrummJ was on his 
feet advocating the issue of greenbacks to pay war expenses; and 
he referred to the days of 1861, and said we should repeat that ex- 
perience. What are greenbacks? Mere promises to pay, at the 
best. If I grv'e you my note payable a year hence, it will not pass 
at 100 cents on the dollar, but will be discounted from the very 
beginning, unless it is due at once or an agreement to pay interest 
is written in the bond. Should we issue greenbacks, they will be 
discounted from the very beginning. Therefore, even if we have 
unbounded confidence in this Government and its willingness and 
ability to pay some time, we do not want any issue of greenbacks. 
Let us be manly. Let us issue bonds. Let us say that we will pay 
interest; that we will pay principal and interest at a fixed date. 

Mr. RiDGELY rose. 

Mr. RAY of New York. I have only a limited time. I do not 
wish to yield. 

Mr. Chairman, the bill now before the House is an extraordi- 
nary measure to provide extraordinary revenues to enable us to 
prosecute a war with Spain which was precipitated by the ex- 
traordinary conduct of the Democrats on the floor of this House. 
I do not say that the war is not a just and a necessary war, for I 
believe it is, but I do say that it was precipitated by our Dem- 
ocratic friends, many of whom now not only condemn it as un- 
necessary and unwise biit oppose the enactment of wise legisla- 
tion necessary to raise the money with which to prosecute it. 
For months they clamored for the recognition of the belligerent 
rights of the so-called Republic of Cuba and then for the recogni- 
tion of the independence of the Republic of Cuba. Either course 
would have involved the United States in war with Spain if such 
policy had been followed by an honorable course toward the cit- 
izens of Cuba. 

3289 3 



The Republicans wisely and justly have seen fit to recognize the 
independence of the people of Cuba, that they "are, and of right 
ought to be, free and independent," and have coupled that declara- 
tion with a demand that Spain evacuate the island and leave ita 
people to establish a free and an independent government of their 
own. This course was also supported by the Democrats in this 
House. This was made necessary by the cruel and inhuman con- 
duct of the Spanish Govei'nment toward her subjects in Cuba — a 
course of conduct not tolerable and not permissible. For three 
years a war for freedom has been waged by the people of that island 
lying within sight of our shores and almost under the shadow of our 
flag. Beaten in fair battle, Spain resorted to a policy of extermi- 
nation of a people she could not conquer. Men, old, helpless men; 
women, weak and feeble; children, innocent and helpless, were 
herded and penned and surrounded by a guard of pitiless soldiers 
and left to starve. 

Fruitfulfields were laid wasteand turned to deserts. Homes were 
burned and murder was legalized. By the decrees of that infamous 
butcher, Weyler, 250,000 helpless human beings were killed by 
sword or bullet or starvation within twelve short months. Com- 
merce was interfered with, our commercial interests destroyed, 
our citizens deprived of property and unjustly imprisoned, and, 
finally, to crown the acts of infamy being committed in the 
Western Hemisphere, a magnificent war ship of the United States 
Navy, on a friendly visit to a supposed friendly port, was treach- 
erously destroyed and 266 of our sailors and marines, reposing in 
fancied security, were hurried into eternity. 

The President counseled a conservative course; he foresaw the 
unwisdom of hasty action. Having participated in one war, he 
knew the horrors of another, and especially did he know the ex- 
pense that would necessarily attend the prosecution of hostilities 
between the United States and Spain. Of necessity we are the 
attacking party in the pending conflict. We can not stand on the 
defensive and drive Spain from Cuba. Spanish armies will not 
evacuate that fair island at our bidding. Force mlist be used, 
and now that the die has been cast, that the ultimatum has been 
pronounced, the Government of the United States must see to it 
that Cuba is free. It has been predicted that there will be no 
conflict, no clash of arms, no roar of guns, no shedding of blood, 
no loss of life. 

I heard such senseless claims thirty-six years ago, when war 
clouds hovered on the horizon. Four years of war followed. 
Hundreds of thousands of men met in mortal combat on hundreds 
of battlefields and death and desolation and ruin were abroad in 
the land. Not millions, but billions of dollars were required to 
maintain the conflict. The credit of this nation was strained to 
the utmost, and a depreciated currency constituted our only circu- 
lating medium, while bond issues were absolutely necessary to 
procure current funds with which to procure the supplies and 
munitions of war actually necessary to a maintenance of the 
conflict. 

Mr. Chairman, the indications are that we have entered on a 
conflict not of days or months, but of possible years. Spanish 
territory is not contiguous. The Kingdom of Spain lies 3, 000 mil es 
over the sea, and Cuba is a hundred miles over the water from 
our nearest land. We have fighting men, but so has Spain; we 
have a magnificent Navy, but so has Spain; we have fesources, 
but so has Spain. When Cuba is free and the last Spaniard is 
33S9 



driven into or over the sea, the war is not necessarily ended. We 
may have to conquer a peace at the Canaries or possibly at the 
gates of Madrid. We should remember that when the eagles of 
France were planted on every flagstaff in every town in Spain 
she was not conquered, but finally repelled the invaders. Let U3 
not belittle the work we have undertaken. 

No pati-iotic or brave man fiinches or hesitates. The call for men 
has gone forth, and nobly and patriotically has it been answered. 
But brave men and noble women, magnificent war ships and fii-st- 
class guns can not alqne win this fight. The soldiers must be fed 
and clothed and paid. We must have coal and powder and shot 
and shell. Patriotism is grand, but war is hell. If we would 
win, if we would save Cuba and make her people free, if we would 
avenge the Maine, if we would honor our flag and bring an hon- 
orable and a speedy peace, we must have money and hundreds of 
millions of it. We must have the sinews of war if we would 
strike quickly, strongly, and effectively. Shall we pay our sol- 
diers with an irredeemable paper currency? Shall we confiscate 
property? Shall we wage this war with wind and mere prom- 
ises? _ No, sir. We must resort to special extraordinary taxation 
to raise money. We must pay as we go, but we can not tax our 
people beyond their power or capacity to pay. We must have for 
immediate use millions of dollars; and when we ask the use of 
these millions, we must promise their return, and the dollars that 
we return must be the equal in every respect of those we borrow. 
And if we are honest, we will return these dollars with a reason- 
able interest. The money we want now does not belong to all the 
people, but to individuals of the nation; and when it is asked for 
the common good of all, then all will join to return it with a rea- 
sonable compensation for its temporary use. Then interest-bear- 
ing bonds are a necessity and the only security upon which we 
can obtain the money we want and must have. 

Men will not loan their money in large sums and on long time 
without having something to show for it, without a reasonable 
interest to compensate them for the loss of its use while employed 
by other hands. The idea once advocated, and which still is pop- 
ular with some, that this Government can manufacture money 
with ink, paper, and a printing press finds few advocates at the 
present time. As well might we attempt to red-ace Mono Castle 
with popguns and paper wads as to attempt to purchase in the 
markets of the world guns, munitions of war. powder, shot, and 
shell with a mere paper currency. We have had experience in this 
matter and know better than to repeat our bitter experiences. 
The loan proposed by this bill is so shaped that every patriotic 
citizen having $50 or more to loan at a low rate of interest may 
find a safe, nontaxable investment. 

We are told that the extraordinary taxes will be burdensome; that 
they are imequal and unjust. That they are and will be burden- 
some all will admit. All taxation is to an extent and in a sense 
burdensome, and all special war taxation is of course an extra 
burden. An extra tax is placed on beer, wines, liciuors, cigars, 
cigarettes, and many other articles. I know of no articles more 
worthy of special taxation than these. Those who let them alone 
will l3ear noneof the burden imposed by such taxation; those who 
use them will pay the extra tax voluntarily and, we trust, cheer- 
fully. No one will for an instant claim that the habitual use of 
intoxicants or narcotics is necessary to promote health or prolong 
life. The proposition to tax tea and coffee has been wisely abau- 
3289 



6 

doned. But should the war be prolonged, should it prove more 
expensive than we suspect, such a tax may be added without ex- 
citing much adverse criticism. Every patriotic man and woman, 
every toiler in the shop and factory and upon the farm, will take 
jn-ide in helping "Uncle Sam" drive Spanish misrule from the 
Western Hemisphere. That the taxes proposed by this bill are 
unequal or unjust I deny. They reach the rich, the corporations, 
the luxuries. True, they may reach the poor, but they are very 
lightly burdened by this bill. 

For political effect, and for no other purpose, the cry is raised 
here that we should resort to an income tax. The Supreme Court 
is assaulted with bitterness for having decided that such a tax is 
unconstitutional. But, say some of oiir Democratic friends, we 
should again enact such a law and let the matter again be brought 
before that court, for perhaps it will reverse the former decision. 
The author of that brilliant scheme, the gentleman from Texas 
[Mr. Bailey], has no confidence in the learning, ability, and in- 
tegrity of the gentlemen composing that court. Instead of advo- 
cating the raising of money by legal and constitutional methods, 
instead of teaching respect for and confidence in the legally con- 
stituted authorities of tne land, instead of massing our forces and 
equipping our sailors and soldiers for battle speedily and effec- 
tively, he would halt and quibble and inaugurate a petty war 
with our highest court. Mr. Chairman, what we now want is a 
united people; a system of taxation we know we can enforce— not 
one we have every reason to believe we can not execiite. We 
want money, and victories over the enemy, not vexatious law- 
suits, inefficient laws, and bickerings among the people. 

Our fleet is before Havana; the booming of cannon has been 
heard at Matanzas; the prizes are coming in; our Army is con- 
centrating; the beat of the drum is heard, and the boys in blue 
from every State in the Union— North, South, East, and West — 
are marching. In little Cuba the patriot army is v/aiting for our 
promised aid, and the thousands on thousands of her starving 
people are crying for food. Daily they fall and die for want of 
bread. This is no time for hesitation, 'for bickering, for a dilly- 
dallying policy. This is not the time for experimental legislation, 
for the enactment of revenue legislation, we have every reason to 
believe, would not be effective. 

We must pursue an energetic course and act promptly. The 
eyes of the nations of the world are upon us. Our national honor 
and prowess are at stake. Can we move together and strike as 
one man; can we furnish the money at call, paj' as we go, and 
command and merit respect among the nations? are the questions 
of the hour. Shall our Army and Navy be fully equipped and 
ready for battle at once? is the question. It is not a question as 
to what we may or can do next year, but what we can and will 
do now. Let us get ready to-day, move quickly, strike heavily 
and effectively, and the victory is won. But if we hesitate and 
quarrel at home, our armies will lie idle, our Navy will do noth- 
ing, the Cubans will starve, and we shall deserve the contempt of 
all civilized peoples. This is not the time for long speeches or 
wars of words, but for action. 

It is what we do, not what we say, that will meet the approval 
or disapproval of oiir citizens. The heavy, well-equipped, and 
quick-moving battalions win the victories. Our cause is just. 
The cries of a suffering, oppressed, and an outraged people have 
gone up to God, and He has put it in the hearts of the American 

3289 



people to give liberty to a race and establish a new Republic. It 
is through the instrumentality of the United States of America 
that this IS to be accomplisheil. and every consideration of patriot- 
ism aud of selfish interest demands that we act speedily and effect- 
ively. [Applause.] 

Therefore it is that the views of particular individuals should 
be subordinated to the opinions of tlio great majoritv. Advice is 
not to be spurned or suggestions disregarded, but unity of action 
is imperatively demanded. In union there is strength, in dis- 
union destruction. Therefore it is that we appeal to all classes, 
to all men of all parties, to unite on this bill as one calculated to 
bring revenues speedily, fill the Treasury, and insure a speedy and 
decisive victory. 

Those who try to use this war for partisan purposes, political 
success, or personal aggrandizement will only deserve and re- 
ceive the contempt of their fellows. It is a war in the interest of 
humanity and is waged to conquer a peace, a lasting and a glori- 
ous peace. We would restore to cultivation the devastated and 
barren fields of the Island of Cuba, send her starving people to 
their homes, drive Spain across the sea, and teach her to respect 
our flag. 

I have been astounded to hear a few Democrats on the floor of 
this House state that if we had recognized the independence of the 
Republic of Cuba one year ago there would have been no war be- 
tween Spain and the United States and that peace would now 
reign on that island. How such recognition would have produced 
such a result is not pointed out, and no reason for such a state- 
ment can be given. Such remarks fall only from the mouths of 
those who would wage war with their mouths and would flee 
from the face of an armed foe. Such men would sacrifice their 
fellow-men, but would not give one drop of their own blood. 
Such men take every course and advocate every policy that pro- 
duces war, but when war is on they cry peace, peace. I am happy 
to be able to state that but few, very few, make such statements. 

Mr. Chairman, the hour is fast approaching when we are to 
give our votes on this measure, and I trust that no gentleman will 
be against it. 

Within the next hour we are to vote. I could wish to change 
some features of this bill, for it falls heavily on some interests in 
my district. But for the common good of all I am willing to pro- 
ceed now to enact this bill into law for delays are dangerous. 

The gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Walker], who is a 
banker, is opposed to putting stamps on checks for more than §20, 
and other papers of that description. He says it will be incon- 
venient. Mr. Chairman, all taxes are inconvenient. It is many 
times inconvenient to do the things we ought to do and must do if 
we would live long, honorably, peacefully, and prosperously. No 
man regrets the necessity for this war and this consequent taxa- 
tion more than I, but it was unavoidable. 

I regret the inhuman and beastl)- atrocities of Spain, but I glory 
in the fact that in my day and while I live the possibility of their 
repetition on this side the globe is to be ended. I am willing 
and I know the people of the United States are willing to put 
their shoulders to the wheel of the car of progress and see it move 
forward. They are willing to deny themselves luxuries and even 
necessaries, to suffer inconvenience, that freedom may triumph 
and the character and dignity of our nation be maintained. 



Yes, Mr. Chairman, again Vv-ill our people unite in the battle 
hymn of the Republic: 

In the beauty of the lilies Christ was born across the sea, 
With a glory in his bosom that transfigures you and me. 
As he died to malie men holy let us die to make men free 
"While God goes marching on. 

[Applause. ] 

I admire the spirit of this people; I admire their patriotism. 
We are ready for whatever may come. But let not gentlemen 
oppose this bill upon the ground that the war is to be a short one 
or that an immense amount of money is not required. We can 
atop taxation at any time, but we can not stop the war. We will 
uot stop the war until the victory is won, whether we have to cross 
the sea to win it or not. We must remember, as I have already 
stated, when dealing with Spain, that even if we have navies, so 
has Spain; if we have armies, so has Spain; if we have resources, 
so has Spain. 

The CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentleman has expired. 

Mr. RAY of New York. I ask leave to- continue my remarks 
for two minutes. 

Mr. SIJNIPSON. I want to give notice that after this I shall 
have to object to these requests, no matter how disagreeable it 
may be to do so, because there are so many members wanting to 
speak on this bill who have not had the opportunity to do so. I 
do not object to the request of the gentleman from New York. 

Mr. RAY of New York. If we have resources, so has Spain; if 
we have patriotism, so has Spain; and I believe (though I will 
not predict) that she will fight, and fight long and bitterly. 

Let us, then, act wisely here to-day; let us sta,nd by the policy 
adopted, the declarations made, and the flag of the Union; let us 
vote war taxes upon the assumption that we have before us a long 
and ahard war. If we do this, we shall act patriotically and wisely. 
And when we borrow money, let us borrow it as we would of our 
individual friends, pay at the proper time, and in the meantime 
wage war as a serious and an expensive business. [Apj)lause.] 

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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 




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